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College of Communication
2007
Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black
Panther Party Panther Party
Kristen Hoerl
Butler University
, khoerl@butler.edu
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Hoerl, K.E. (2007). Mario Van Peebles's Panther and popular memories of the Black Panther Party. Critical
Studies in Media Communication, 24(3), pp. 206-227. Available from: digitalcommons.butler.edu/
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Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
1
Running head: Mario Van Peebles’s Panther
Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party
Kristen Hoerl
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
2
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party
Abstract
The 1995 movie Panther depicted the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense as a vibrant
but ultimately doomed social movement for racial and economic justice during the late 1960s.
Panther’s narrative indicted the white-operated police for perpetuating violence against African-
Americans and for undermining movements for black empowerment. As such, this film
represented a rare source of filmic counter-memory that challenged hegemonic memories of U.S.
race relations. Newspaper reports and reviews of Panther, however, questioned this film’s
veracity as a source of historical information. An analysis of these reviews and reports indicates
the challenges counter-memories confront in popular culture.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
3
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party
The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense emerged in 1966 as a response to ongoing
brutality against blacks that took place in the wake of the civil rights movement. Party members
took up arms to defend themselves against police brutality, created programs that cared for
impoverished African-Americans in their communities, and challenged racism and economic
exploitation in the U.S. By 1969, the Black Panther Party had established chapters in almost
every state and several foreign countries.
Despite the remarkable history of the Panther’s emergence, mainstream popular media
have paid scant attention to the movement (Umoja, 2001; Bush, 2002)3. The most prominent
references to the Panthers in popular culture, including a small scene in the1994 film Forrest
Gump (Berlant, 1997) and news coverage of Huey Newton’s death (Lule, 1993), framed the
Panthers as violent and abusive.
1
Recognizing the dearth of public knowledge about the Black
Panther Party for Self-Defense (BPP), film director Mario Van Peebles made the 1995 movie
Panther. Van Peebles explained that he wanted the film to inspire, empower, and instruct the
current generation of young blacks living in urban ghettos. He told reporters that “kids today
knew the negative stuff” about the Panthers and “thought Huey Newton was a cookie" (Schaefer,
1995, p. O17). He added, “Few people know how they empowered their neighborhood”
(Graham, 1995, p. 3NC). Van Peebles directed Panther in order to tell a story about the Black
Panther Party that would give a voice to the experiences of African-Americans active in the
movement.
Van Peebles’ statements indicate that he believed filmic images of blacks who struggled
against prevailing power structures would empower audiences to see themselves as agents
capable of social change. His belief highlights the rhetorical potential of entertainment films. It
Comment [GRC1]:
2003 in the
reference list.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
4
also foregrounds the ways that filmmakers have constructed films for instrumental political
purposes. Panther met a surge of negative attention that questioned the veracity of its portrayals.
An analysis of both Van Peebles’s film and its news reviews sheds light on the possibilities and
limitations of films that challenge mainstream popular media. This paper suggests that films
about controversial historical events open themselves to criticism when they blend fictional and
factual accounts; however, criticisms of historical narratives that appeal to the merits of
impartiality and the virtues of balanced depictions may also advanced a partial understanding of
the past.
Panther is one of few Hollywood films that dared to feature only African-American
characters to depict racism in the United States. Madison (1999) persuasively argues that
Hollywood films about civil rights struggles predominantly forefront white characters and
background black characters. Lee’s film Malcolm X (1992) is the only other Hollywood
entertainment film about historic black struggles with African-Americans in leading roles.
According to Van Peebles, Hollywood studio executives told him, “No matter what the story is,
it doesn't matter to mainstream America without a white star” (Schaefer, 1995, p. O017). Mario
Van Peebles directed and produced Panther based on a novel loosely based on BPP history
written by Mario’s father, Melvin Van Peebles. To maintain control over the film, Van Peebles
kept the film’s budget under $10 million and received support from British film company
Working Title, Gramercy Pictures, and from Robert De Niro's Tribeca company (Turner, 1995,
p. 11). Van Peebles explained why he wasn’t willing to compromise the film’s message to
receive a larger budget: “I thought about what my dad said, which is that history goes back to the
winner, and you’re surely not winning if you’re not telling your own history. So we held off until
we could make the film our way” (Kim, 1995, p. 3). Van Peebles posed a defiant challenge to
Comment [GRC2]:
This was an “O”
above, and here it is a zero. Which is
correct?
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
5
Hollywood’s penchant for creating movies amenable to the interests of white and affluent
audiences who make films profitable.
The film showed in theatres for a few weeks and earned
approximately $7 million at the box office, even less than the film’s small budget; it received
little positive critical attention, although the U.S. Political Film Society nominated Panther for
its annual award in 1996 (www.imdb.com/title/tt0114084/awards). The film’s lackluster
reception and commercial returns indicate that this text had more limited success reaching
audiences than earlier films about racial struggle.
2
Film and Popular Memory
Panther provides an important text for understanding the relationship between media
texts, popular memory, and political hegemony. Popular media create figurative spaces for
different groups to negotiate the meaning and value of past events. As Biesecker (2002) notes,
“well received reconstructions of the past function rhetorically as civics lessons” (p 394).
Scholars often refer to the representations of the past with social and rhetorical significance as
“public” or “collective” memories.
3
However, McChesney (1999) argues that messages
challenging corporate life and capitalist ideals are unlikely to receive widespread distribution or
support from the media industry. In order to avoid the implication that commercially mediated
representations of the past comprise the memories of publics, I refer to well-received depictions
of the past in commercial media as popular memories, as memories that are popularized by
mainstream media.
Commercial media are preeminent sources of popular memory because they are widely
available to audiences with few other resources for understanding the past. Romanowski (1993)
posits that motion pictures in particular can be powerful transmitters of “knowledge, history, and
culture” (p.63). Indeed, when films make claims about historical truth, they imbue these
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
6
reconstructions of the past with social significance. Although texts in popular culture provide
resources for understanding the past, not all reconstructions of the past are sources of popular
memory. Mainstream media texts become sources of popular memory though their widespread
circulation and through the legitimacy conferred upon them as historical resources elsewhere in
popular culture. For example, Alan Parker’s 1988 film Mississippi Burning stands out as a
popular memory source. While the film’s commercial box office success and Academy Awards
attests to this film’s positive reception, its ongoing presence in journalistic media during the
2005 trial of Edgar Ray Killen attests to this film’s role as a source of information about the past
(The Internet Movie Database; Curry, 1988).
4
Reporters referred to Killen’s trial for his role in
the murders of civil rights activists James Chaney, Andrew Schwerner, and Michael Goodwin as
“the Mississippi Burning trial.” Accentuating the comparison between the film and the murders
of Chaney, Schwerner and Goodwin, these reports used footage from the movie in news reports
of Killen’s conviction (Cooper et al., 2005; Gibson, 2005; McLaughlin, 2005; and Sawyer,
2005).
Popular memory texts such as Mississippi Burning are significant not only because they
ascribe meaning to the past for audiences, but also because they are usable in the present.
“Societies . . . reconstruct their pasts with the needs of contemporary culture clearly in mind
manipulating the past in order to mold the present” (Kammen, 1991, p. 3). Films representing
historic events often advance ideologically conservative messages that contribute to dominant
hegemony. Earlier civil rights films maintained white hegemony in the face of challenges to
racist power structures. Madison (1999) argues that recent films about race including Mississippi
Burning, The Long Walk Home, and Cry Freedom reasserted the subordination of blacks by
relegating them to the background of stories about their own struggles. Brinson (1995) asserts
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
7
that the 1988 film Mississippi Burning communicated the myth of white superiority to resolve
cultural tensions about the authority of the white power structure in the late 1980s. Winn (2001)
credits Spike Lee’s (1992) Malcolm X as the first film to give a voice to African-Americans in
commercial film by challenging racist stereotypes prevalent in films about race produced by
white filmmakers. Yet, he notes that Lee’s film “parcels Malcolm X as a less volatile, less
radical figure” than Malcolm X’s political career suggests (p. 463). Winn concludes that Lee’s
vision of Malcolm was accepted by the Hollywood system because it ultimately reinforced white
hegemony.
Recognizing how depictions of past events carry implications for contemporary social
life, several scholars have suggested that popular memories might also be constructed to
challenge prevailing hegemony. Cox (1990) theorizes memories of the past as resources for the
“invention” of discourses critical of dominant culture (p. 1). Cox cites Marcuse, who believed
that the practice of remembering could reveal ideological distortions embedded within dominant
narratives and serve as a force for social change. Lipsitz (1990) argues that hidden histories
excluded from dominant narratives constitute “counter-memories” that “force revision of
existing histories” (p. 213). For Lipsitz, counter-memories exist in popular novels that “address
tensions between grand historical narratives and lived experience” (p. 215). These cultural forms
“create conditions of possibility; they expand the present by informing it with memories of the
past and hopes for the future” (p. 16). Counter-memories may contribute to the process of social
change by establishing oppositional consciousness that critically evaluates the efficacy and
justice of dominant social institutions. By developing new attitudes and ideas about the social
order, counter-memories may also evoke insights and solutions to contemporary social struggles.
Comment [GRC3]:
There is a 2000
Winn entry in the reference list, but no
2001 entry.
Comment [KH4]: It was there, but
was on same line as 2000 reference.
I put it on a separate line now.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
8
Thus, such counter-memories may promulgate and solidify support necessary for movements to
create social change (Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen, 1993).
While Lipsitz echoes Marcuse’s enthusiasm for the emancipatory potential of memory,
he is not utopian regarding the possibilities of counter-memory within popular culture. He
concludes that memories perpetuated by commercial media “also engender accommodation with
prevailing power realities, separating art from life, and internalizing the dominant culture’s
norms and values as necessary and inevitable” (p. 16). As Lipsitz suggests, sites of memory
contain countervailing tendencies. While they predominantly elicit a memory in keeping with
the prevailing social order, they also may elicit an alternate or counter-memory that challenges
that order. Thus, commercial media, a predominant site for memory, provide spaces for memory
and counter-memory and make available their competing claims about the past (Bodnar, 1992;
Sturken, 1997). Few studies have either interpreted films as sources of counter-memory or
explained how counter-memories in commercial media may be suppressed and contained. I
argue that Panther represented a rare source of counter-memory in popular culture. However, my
analysis of mainstream media reviews and reports of the film demonstrates that the popular press
deflected the film’s challenge to dominant hegemony.
The Textual Construction of the Panthers in Popular Media
I interpret Panther as a source of counter-memory by explaining how events it depicted
evoked events from the history of political repression against the BPP and paralleled
contemporary racial struggle. I also look at news coverage and reviews of Panther that appeared
in the seven months surrounding its release (from March 1995 through October 1995). Nine
newspaper articles and twenty newspaper reviews appeared in U.S. newspapers with widespread
circulation. Transcripts from the two national broadcast journalism sources, the CBS network
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
9
program This Morning and NPR’s national radio program Morning Edition also covered the
film.
5
Based on these texts, I describe common patterns of reasoning that journalists engaged to
invalidate Panther’s counter-hegemonic meaning. My analysis is influenced both by scholarship
in news media frames (Gitlin, 1980) and by rhetorical scholarship that has attended to topoi, or
common topics that serve as foundation for the judgment and invention of discourses.
6
Recurring themes featured across journalism reviews of Panther functioned as topoi in popular
discourses about the film that either ignored or dismissed the film’s political and social
implications.
By describing themes across news reviews in relationship to the film’s depiction of the
Panthers, I engage popular memory as intertextual phenomena. Intertextual analyses suggest that
a multitude of discourses influence how particular texts come to have meaning in a particular
cultural milieu (Fiske, 1987; Dow, 1996). Fiske used intertextuality to describe how “audiences
unconsciously create meaning by utilizing their vast knowledge of cultural codes learned from
other texts to read a particular text” (Ott & Walter, 2000, p. 429). This definition of
intertextuality fits within the poststructuralist turn in criticism situating audiences as agents who
can decode texts in varying ways and that multiple meanings inhere in any particular text. In
contrast to Fiske’s approach, my analysis of multiple texts explains how the rhetorical situations
in which audiences read texts offer viewers a structured meaning system that limit audiences
interpretive agency (Cloud, 1992; Condit, 1989). My approach is aligned with Dow’s (1996)
study of television programming about women and its implications for the feminist movement.
Dow (1996) argues that secondary texts including journalistic criticism and other culturally
produced texts “can both enable and constrain interpretation” of television programming (pp. 6-
7). Although no single interpretation can stand in for the meaning that every audience member
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
10
gleans from a set of texts, patterned messages point to the media landscapes from which
audiences glean knowledge about events beyond their immediate experience. I explain how
news reviews functioned in patterned ways challenge Panther’s credibility as a source of
information about the Black Panther Party.
Panther as Counter-memory
Panther represented a source of counter-memory in popular culture by presenting a
narrative about racial struggle that challenged prevalent myths about the justice of the American
political and legal system. A docudrama, Panther interspersed representations of actual events
from the history of the BPP’s founding chapter in Oakland, California, with the fictional main
character’s narrative about his imaginary activity in the party. According to the film, the BBP
grew in size and political power through members’ efforts to organize black people to support
their communities and defend themselves against the police and white authority structures.
When the white police department and Federal Bureau of Investigations recognized the Panthers
as a threat to the power structure in the United States, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover orchestrated
a concerted campaign to discredit and destroy the Panthers. As a consequence, the Panthers
disbanded and disintegrated within a few years.
Panther’s narrative depicted many of the BPP’s goals and endeavors. Panther presented
the BPP as centrally interested in improving the lives of African-Americans in the Oakland
community. Montage sequences in the film depicted the Panthers’ free breakfast program for
community children, sickle-cell anemia testing for blacks, and community meetings to raise
awareness of racism and oppression in the United States (Abron, 1998; Chaifetz, 2005). The
film also highlighted the BPP’s resistance to state-sanctioned repression. As both Panther and
political scholars suggest (McCartney, 1992, p. 135; Ogbar, 2004, p. 100), the BPP encouraged
Comment [GRC5]:
No McCartney,
1992 in Reference List.
Comment [KH6]:
I have added it.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
11
blacks to arm themselves with guns to defend themselves from assaults by white police officers.
In one scene, BPP members, including BPP leaders Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, approached
two white police officers who were beating an indigent black man. Bearing long rifles, the
Panthers demanded that the police leave the man alone. The police eventually backed down.
Other scenes depicting BPP-led activism included the April 1, 1967, protest of the shooting death
of Denzel Dowell at a police station in Richmond, California; the May 2, 1967, march into the
California state capitol in Sacramento; and the February 17, 1968, rally at the Alameda County
Courthouse to free Huey Newton from prison. These events mirrored descriptions of BPP
protest recounted by former Black Panthers (Newton, 1973; Seale, 1970) and historians (Foner,
1970; Marable, 1984). Ultimately, these scenes portrayed the BPP as a volatile movement that
improved conditions in their communities and sought freedom from racial injustice. According
to Panther, collective organizing improved people’s lives.
This film also presented a source of counter-memory about race relations by
demonstrating how law enforcement officials sought to undermine social movements that had
widespread community support. The film’s critique of U.S. law enforcement appeared most
readily in its depiction of FBI and police efforts to suppress the Panthers, such as when Hoover
declared, “There’s not going to be another black Messiah unless we create him.” [This quote
echoed an internal agency memo from Hoover instructing agents to prevent “the rise of a
Messiah” (Marx, 1974).] The film showed police assaults on BPP offices in cities across the
country between 1968 and 1969. In these scenes, police firebombed Panther offices across the
country and engaged in shoot-outs with Panther Party members. One pivotal scene presented the
April 6, 1968 confrontation between Panthers and Oakland police officers that ended in the
shooting death of eighteen-year-old BPP member Bobby Hutton.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
12
These scenes tracked many of the tactics that FBI agents used during the 1960s to
infiltrate the Black Panther Party. The FBI’s use of repressive tactics to destroy the movement is
well documented in activists’ accounts (Anthony, 1990; Newton, 1973; Seale, 1970),
government memos (Marx, 1974; O’Reilly, 1989), and scholarly texts (Jeffries, 2002; Jones,
1988; O’Reilly, 1989). FBI operatives frequently posed as Panthers to gain knowledge of
movement activities and to spread distrust within the movement (Jeffries, 2002). Between 1968
and 1971, the FBI’s COINTELPRO (Counter-intelligence Program) resulted in frequent arrests
of Black Panther Party members, raids of party offices, and the deaths of at least 29 party
members. Many of these arrests were made on dubious charges that could not be substantiated
in court (Churchill and Vander Wall, 1990; Foner, 1970; Jones, 1988; Jeffries, 2002; Wilkins &
Clark, 1973). Likewise, party office raids were often based on false pretenses. In 1969, Chicago
police shot and killed party leader Fred Hampton and his colleague Mark Clark. Although police
officers claimed they shot in self-defense, a federal grand jury concluded that charges were false
and that Hampton and Clark had been shot in their sleep (Foner, 1970). Panther depicted both
covert and outwardly violent FBI and police efforts to repress BPP activism. Although a myriad
of evidence indicates that law enforcement unjustly attacked the Black Panthers, few popular
culture texts have drawn attention to law enforcement agencies as sources of political repression
against the BPP. Black studies scholar Dyson (1996) thus noted that Panther’s focus on FBI
repression “faithfully evoked the spirit of police terror” of the 1960s and 1970s (p. 115) and
concluded that Panther told “neglected truths” about black struggles (p. 115).
Although the film used the names of actual BPP members and depicted many events from
BPP history, the film intertwined historical reality and fiction. Panther told the history of the
BPP’s emergence in Oakland, California, through a fictional main character, Judge, played by
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
13
Kadeem Harrison. After Judge decided to join the Panthers, Huey Newton (played by Marcus
Chong), pulled Judge aside and asked him to mislead the Oakland Police Force by surreptitiously
acting as Party infiltrator. Much of the film’s drama revolved around Judge’s relationship with
Detective Baker, who asked Judge to set the Panthers up for robbery, and Judge’s relationship
with fictional BPP member Tyrone, who suspected Judge was working for the police. This
fictional plot gave narrative form to historical documents that prove the FBI infiltrated the
Panthers to undermine the movement’s activities (Jeffries, 2002); thus, the film’s fictional
depiction of Judge’s relationship with Baker illustrates how fictional forms are rooted in counter-
memories of injustices (Lipsitz, 1990, p. xiii). However, the film’s climax highlighted illegal
and brutal tactics that did not occur as well as those that did. The film suggested that when
Hoover concluded the BPP would continue to grow despite his efforts to disable it, he urged FBI
agents to collude with the Mafia to bring cheap cocaine and heroin into black urban ghettos. The
final scenes of the film depicted fictional main characters Alma, Tyrone, and Judge destroying a
warehouse filled with drugs as a last act of defiance against the FBI. In the film’s final moments,
Judge was heard reading the following words, which also appeared on screen: “In 1970, there
were 300,000 addicts in the United States. Yesterday there were 3 million. The way I see it, the
struggle continues. This film is dedicated to all of the Black Panthers who gave their lives in the
struggle.” Panther blamed endemic poverty and drug use in black inner-cities on federal and
state authorities. According to Panther, the rise in drug use among African-Americans was a
consequence of the state’s efforts to shut down collective activism and community development
among the black urban poor.
Panther’s conclusion illustrates how films are counter-memories when they depict
contemporary social conflicts in the context of past injustices. There is no direct evidence that
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
14
the FBI worked with the Mafia to bring narcotics into Oakland; however, the film’s suggestion
that drug enforcement policies have harmed Black communities does have a factual basis.
During the 1990s, when audiences were most likely to have seen Panther, African-Americans
were four times more likely than whites to face prison terms for using narcotics (Davidson, 1999,
p. 42). Mario Van Peebles told an Essence magazine interviewer that there is a ring of “truth” to
the idea that drug-control policies in the United States are evidence of racial discrimination.
Noting the film’s “parallel between the then and now of drugs and alcohol being brought into the
Black community,” Van Peebles added, “These same communities that were insisting on power
to the people have been flooded with alcohol and drugs; they’ve been medicated” (Bates, 1995,
p. 58). According to Dyson, (1996) this plot was a “plausible answer to why heroin and then
crack cocaine flooded into the ghetto” (p. 117).
The film’s closing scene reinforced Panther’s counter-hegemonic message by using
images of past racial struggle, both real and imaginary, to draw attention to systematic injustices
that persist. The Black Panthers’ concern with economic injustice in the film resonated with
social conditions recently experienced within many black communities. In 1995, the year
Panther appeared in theatres, African-Americans were three times more likely to live in poverty
than whites (Vobejda, 1995, p. A1). The unwarranted arrests and deaths of BPP members at the
hands of police also paralleled contemporary police abuses committed against African-
Americans. “Although African-Americans represented 12 percent of the population during the
1990s, they were the most frequent victims of police shootings” (Thomas, 1995, p. A01).
Panther associated drug use with the political disempowerment of black communities, and
suggested that repressed groups might wrest political and economic power for themselves
through collective organizing. Thus, the film provided a visual analogy to systemic police
Comment [GRC7]:
Not in Reference
List.
Comment [KH8]:
I have added it.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
15
violence against blacks, providing a link between the BPP’s motives for collective organizing
and current problems facing contemporary black communities. By associating more
contemporary social problems with the history of BPP repression, Panther suggested that current
injustices are outcomes of a repressive political system.
The film’s counter-memories represented actual BPP events and depicted imaginary
events that analogically resonated with the experiences of many poor Black communities; these
memories illustrated ways in which state agencies restrict and threaten collective organizing and
activism. Panther also portrayed collective activism as the best means for people with few
political resources of their own to play a role in the political decision-making processes that
impact their lives. By depicting both real and imaginary events, this film represented an
oppositional consciousness rarely represented in mainstream media. Mainstream media reviews
did not embrace this consciousness though; instead, they questioned the film’s reliability as a
source of information about the Panthers.
Patterns of Reasoning in Reviews of Panther
Reports and reviews predominantly described the film as an untrue fiction. Frequently,
reporters covering the film’s release quoted ex-Panther Bobby Seale and David Horowitz, leader
of the conservative Center for the Study of Popular Culture, as the film’s most ardent critics.
Now known as the David Horowitz Freedom Center, the Center for Popular Culture was
established in 1988 by Horowitz and Peter Collier to discredit favorable depictions of the
political left in popular culture. In April, David Horowitz placed full page advertisements in
Variety and Hollywood Reporter that castigated the movie for misrepresenting the BPP (Fine,
1995a, p. 1D; Sherman, 1995, p. 011). Reports of Horowitz’ and Seale’s complaints against the
film appeared during the second week of May, when Van Peebles responded to criticism. In
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
16
these reports, Horowitz condemned the film as a “two-hour lie” (Carroll, 1995, p. 31; Charles,
1995, p. 29; Graham, 1995, p. 63; Leiieby, 1995, p. G1; Sherman, 1995, p. O11; Turner, 1995, p.
11; Vincent, 1995, p. E1); Seale denounced the film as “poetic lies” (“Black Panthers,” 1995, p.
O17; Fine, 1995a, 1D; Leiby, 1995, p. G1; Turner, 1995, p. 11) and “bootleg fiction” (“Black
Panthers,” 1995, p. O17; Carroll, 1995, p. 31; Graham, 1995, p. 63; Howe, 1995, p. N49; James,
1995, p. 2.1; Lieiby, 1995, p. G1; Sherman, 1995, p. O11; Turner, 1995, p. 11; Vincent, 1995, p.
E1). Reporting for NPR’s Morning Edition, Dowell (1995) explained that Seale described the
film as “bootleg” because he did not give Van Peebles permission to tell his story, which Seale
says he sold to Warner Brothers (broadcast transcript # 1598-5). One report, The Boston Herald,
noted Seale’s commentary that the Panthers were “part of a young black intelligentsia” that had
“studied the whole history of African-Americans” (“Black Panthers,” 1995, p. O17). Other
reports quoted Horowitz’ public statement that the film would “incite inner-city blacks” by
portraying “the Panthers as idealists and all the police as Nazis” (Carroll, 1995, p. 31; Charles,
1995, p. 11; Vincent, 1995, p. E1).
Both Mario and Melvin Van Peebles defended their choices by asserting that that the film
was not meant to be a documentary, but had a factual basis nonetheless (Fine, 1995a, p. D1;
Kim, 1995, p. NC3). Mario Van Peebles told USA Today that the film accurately depicted the
Panther’s main political message, “all power to the people” (Fine, 1995a, p. D1). Van Peebles
cited former Panther Earl Anthony’s memoir, Spitting into the Wind, to explain why he thought
the film’s depiction of the FBI’s collusion with the Mafia was realistic: “[Anthony] says he had
drugs from the FBI to distribute. He was an informant. When you're on drugs, you're medicated
and you don't vote and you don't join the Panthers” (Schaefer, 1995, p. O17). Mario Van Peebles
believed the film’s message might inspire more youthful audiences “to seek information about
Comment [GRC9]:
Spelled Leiby
elsewhere.
Comment [GRC10]:
Spelled Leiby
elsewhere.
Comment [KH11]:
I changed to
correct spelling to Leiby.
Comment [GRC12]:
Needs to
indicate a or b here according to
Reference List.
Comment [GRC13]:
Again, need to
indicate a or b here.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
17
the Black Panthers for themselves” (Fine, 1995a, p. D1). He added, “I didn't want to make a
three- or four-hour movie where, when you came out, you felt you deserved three college credits,
where the kids were wearing the hat but not getting the message,” (Fine 1995a, p. D1). For the
film’s director, Panther was credible because it conveyed the BPP’s philosophy in a way that
might engage young audiences.
The mainstream press was less compelled by Mario’s defense of the film’s historical
credibility. After Horowitz castigated the film in Hollywood industry journals, several
mainstream newspapers reviewed the film. I review the twenty reviews from mainstream
national newspapers archived in the LexisNexis news database. These reviews of Panther
dismissed the film’s basis in BPP history using similar patterns of reasoning. Interlocking
themes appeared across different articles and reviews of Panther. Five themes stood out among
reviews condemning the film: Panther as biased, Panther as unreal, fiction as separate from
history, and Panther as “agitprop.” A competing theme, Panther as art, stood out among
reviews that defended the film. Below, I describe how these interlocking themes served as the
foundation for judging Panther’s credibility as a source of popular memory.
Condemning Panther as Biased
Criteria of balance and accuracy appeared frequently in reviews of Panther. When the
film was released to theaters on May 3, 1995, a wave of negative reviews appeared in
newspapers across the country. Several of these critics denounced Panther for characterizing the
Panthers as heroes and the FBI as villains. Persall (1995) wrote that the film’s characterizations
created a “biased” representation of the Black Panther Party (p. 7). Writing for the San
Francisco Chronicle, Stack (1995) told readers that Van Peebles’ movie reflected his “heedless
pursuit to define black heroes -- and demonize whites” (p. E1). Other reviews concluded that the
Comment [GRC14]:
Need to
indicate a or b here.
Comment [GRC15]:
Need to
indicate a or b here.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
18
film presented a “simplistic” (Denerstein, 1995, p. 11D, Ebert, 1995, p. 45), “burlesque”
(Murray, 1995, p. B7), and “one-note” (Maslin, 1995, p. C18) approach to understanding history.
These reviews echoed reporters covering the film’s release who described the film’s portrayal of
the FBI and its Director J. Edgar Hoover as an “outlandish cartoon” (Carroll, 1995, p. 31) and as
“one dimensional” (Fine, 1995b, p. 1D).
Panther as unreal
While several reviewers and reports described the film as biased, others described the
film’s plot as implausible. Both reports and reviews characterized the film’s portrayal of the FBI
in collusion with the Mafia as “a particularly big leap” (Leiby, 1ieby, 1995, p. G1), “far-fetched”
(Carroll, 1995, p. 31), “wildly irresponsible” (Charles, 1995, p. 31), “wild speculation” (Ross,
1995, p. 16), “deeply paranoid” (Barnes, 1995, p.3E), and “crazily narrow” (James, 1995, p. 2.1).
Only the Houston Chronicle suggested that the plot was “not so farfetched” (Jones, 1995, p.
YO5). Several reviews that described the film as biased also concluded that the entire film was
“outrageous” (Persall, 1995, p. 7), “invalid” (Millar, 1995, p. 12), and “untrustworthy” (Maslin,
1995, p. C18). USA Today (Fine, 1995b) concluded, “White villains are so one-dimensional and
revolutionaries so pure that none of it seems believable” (p. 1D). These latter reviews suggested
that the film’s partial depiction of the struggle between the BPP and the FBI discredited the film
entirely.
Distinguishing Fiction and History
A presumed distinction between fiction and history was central to many reviewers’
condemnations of the film. The Washington Post reporter Leiby (1995) suggested that Panther
should not be sold as “a historically inspired work” (p. G1). Several other reporters agreed that
the presence of fictional narrative in Panther negated its messages about BPP history. Gilbert
Comment [GRC16]:
Need to
indicate a or b here.
Comment [GRC17]:
Leiby?
Comment [GRC18]:
Should this be
(Fine, 1998b) ?
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
19
(1995) warned readers that Panther’s “oversimplified, fiction-drenched account” was “definitely
not a documentary” (p. 33). Strickler (1995) charged that Panther was “more intent on building
a conspiracy theory than in presenting history” (p. 3E). Howe (1995) described Panther as a
“fictionalized account” that is “more emotional than dispassionately dogged about the facts” (p.
N49); however, Howe conceded that the film was not without merit: “If historical accuracy is
ignored, the movie is absorbing stuff, a rousing blend of drama, creative interpretation and
likable performances” (p. N49).
According to many critics, Panther illegitimately portrayed BPP history because it
combined fact and fiction. The New York Times (Maslin, 1995) characterized the film as a “fact-
warping history lesson” (p. C18). Denerstein (1995) wrote that Van Peebles’ “choice” of a
fictional character as the film’s major protagonist was a “major problem” (p. 11D). Kehr (1995)
described the movie as a “confounding jumble of accepted fact, fictional invention and wild
speculation” (p. 37). Ignoring the film’s accurate representations of FBI repression against the
Panthers, these critics suggested that Panther’s fictional narrative of the FBI’s collusion with the
Mafia discredited the film’s portrayal of racial discord in the 1960s.
Ostensibly, audiences would not learn the real history of the BPP by watching the film.
Millar wondered, “How valid is the film as a historical document?” (p. 12) and Gilbert (1995)
concluded that Panther “does not succeed at moving us any closer to the truth” (p. 33). Only
two reviewers challenged the assumption that the film was an illegitimate representation of the
BPP. Despite an overall criticism of the film, Persall (1995), suggested that truth is itself was
subjective: “Nothing is more elusive or subjective than truth, but Panther, like JFK, has the
blindside courage to ask: Whose truth is it, anyway?” (p. 7). Gilliam(1995) congratulated
Panther for representing African-Americans’ perspectives.
Comment [GRC19]:
??? Author?
Title of article?
Comment [KH20]: Name has been
added.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
20
Defining Panther as “Agitprop”
A notion that Panther constituted “agitprop,” or agitational propaganda, was a third
theme in reviews of the film. Several critics who decried the film as a fiction suggested that
young audiences were likely to be manipulated by the film. The Washington Post film critic
Kempley (1995) wrote that “the trouble” with the film was that “the movie itself comes with no
disclaimer” that it is “not a documentary but a dramatization” (p. C1). Ross (1995) expressed
particular concern for young audiences who might be easily manipulated by the film: “The sad
part, of course, is that modern young moviegoers – most of whom weren’t born when the
Panthers arose – will not know how much of this yarn is pure invention” (p. 16).
For other reviewers, the film was particularly damaging for its potential to influence
African-Americans who might identify with the film’s protagonists. Working from the
presumption that the film misrepresented the FBI’s investigation of the BPP, several critics
lambasted the film as propaganda or “agitprop” for radical black activists. The Washington Post
reviewer Howe (1995) said the movie made “absorbing, agitprop entertainment” (p. N49), and
Ross (1995) stated that the movie was “wrapped in rhetoric, agitprop, and outlandish
accusations” (p. 16). Such agitational propaganda, some reviewers suggested, might threaten
American democracy. Carroll (1995) likened scenes in the movie to the “propagandizing and
sloganeering . . . that once characterized Soviet socialist realism” (p. 31). The Washington Post
film critic Gilliam concluded (1995), the movie was reminiscent of “nothing so much as a World
War II propaganda film” (p. B1). Reviews that compared the film to propaganda for presumably
non-democratic nationalist interests suggest that the film might provoke a new generation of
radical black activists. Carroll (1995) asked ominously, “Could a Black Panther Party arise
again?” (p. 31). These reviews echoed Horowitz’s complaint that the film was “an incitement to
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
21
inner-city blacks” (Vincent, 1995, p. E1). Reviewers who anticipated that the film would agitate
inner-city blacks concluded that black audiences might be encouraged to identify with the
African-Americans in the film and challenge white hegemony. These critics simultaneously
condemned the film’s fictional elements and warned readers that the movie might provoke
African-Americans to protest poverty where they lived. Collectively, these themes imply that
fiction disguised as history would mislead African-Americans into becoming activists against
economic and racial subordination.
Celebrating Panther as Art
Only two reviewers wrote favorable reviews of the film. These critics did not disagree
that the film was a dramatic fiction; they suggested that the film should be valued for its artistic
merits.
Kempley (1995) noted that Van Peebles was as “entitled to his vision -- no matter how
selective or factually skewed -- as any other artist” (p. C1). James (1995) wrote, that
controversial films such as Panther “can prod viewers to think about movies, to challenge the
film makers' theories, to judge them the way they would judge any serious work of art that
blends fact and imagination” (p. 2.1). To protest the film on the basis of historical inaccuracy,
she wrote, is to ask filmmakers “to exercise a scary self-censorship and to create less daring art”
(p. 2.1). Reviewers who focused on the inherent value of artistic creation suggested that history
and art may be separate, but both have an important social function.
Millar (1995) and Howe (1995) who primarily criticized the film also suggested that the
film was worth viewing as an artistic creation. After these critics discouraged audiences from
considering the film’s representation of the BPP as a legitimate portrayal and political analysis of
racial injustice in the United States, they suggested that no film should be considered as a source
of historical information. Reports about the film also indicated that the film should not be
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
22
evaluated as a reconstruction of past events. Millar (1995) argued that the film succeeded,
despite its biased perspective of the Panthers, because “the Van Peebleses are neither journalists
nor historians” (p. 12). Howe (1995) suggested that the film’s misrepresentations should be
overlooked: “Sorting fact from fiction is a thorny thing -- unless you're something of a social
historian” (p. N49). The Boston Globe’s (Graham, 1995) report about the controversy
surrounding Panther emphasized that filmmakers “have neither the desire nor the aptitude to
portray the truth” (p. 63). The Boston Globe reporter Graham extensively quoted former Panther
and scholar Kathleen Cleaver, who told him, "I'm not convinced that dramatic films are the place
for historical accuracy…. A movie is a movie; a movie is not history….. History is presented by
scholars, and I don't think anyone will say Hollywood is a hotbed of scholars” (p. 63). Thus, in
framing the debate about the film’s merits around the role of art and freedom of expression,
reviewers who defended the film as a work of art neutralized Panther’s political critique. They
further insisted that individual films have little, if any, consequence for audiences who watch
them. After all, they suggested, Panther was just a movie. Movies should be “outlandish,”
Stack (1995) asserted. This San Francisco Chronicle reviewer concluded, “If the old phrase ‘it's
only a movie’ weren't so widely accepted, folks would have torn down the big screen long ago”
(p. E1).
Reviews describing Panther as art also indicated that the film’s critics were
unreasonable; Panther, they argued, was unlikely to inspire disaffected youth to engage in
political critique and activism. As The New York Times stated in the title of its review of
Panther, controversial films are “not schoolbooks” (James, 1995, p. 2.1). Favorable reviews of
Panther suggested that whether Panther was agitprop or edutainment was irrelevant. It deserved
to be treated as art, thus enjoying freedom of expression. The film’s role as a legitimate source
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
23
for understanding the BPP’s struggle for racial justice and empowerment was never fully
considered. Appeals to the criteria of balance, accuracy, and the distinction between fiction and
fact reinforced repeatedly across multiple journalism reviews and news reports positioned
Panther as outside of mainstream common sense understandings about political and economic
equality in the United States.
Challenges for Counter-Memory in Popular Culture
Panther’s depiction of the BPP suggests that not all films about black struggle reinforce
prevailing hegemony in popular culture. Alternatively, mainstream press reports and reviews of
Panther illustrate how commercial media challenged the film’s counter-hegemonic role. Critics’
descriptions of Panther as biased and inaccurate suggest that the movie’s ability to incorporate
its counter-memories into popular memory was limited, at least in part, because it was not
accorded credibility as a legitimate depiction of the past. Thus, these critics suggest that media
texts that purport to depict the past do not automatically attain status as popular memory but
must also be widely recognized as sources of historical information.
While critics evaluated Panther according to its correspondence to historical events, they
also advanced an ideologically conservative understanding of the BPP. Although critics
correctly noted that not all of the events depicted in the film were based on BPP history,
Panther’s critics unevenly addressed the film’s correspondence to actual events. None of the
film’s defenders mentioned the film’s accurate representation of FBI attacks on the BPP, nor did
they mention that the state police and FBI agents represented in the film had real-life
counterparts who infiltrated the BPP to spread distrust and encourage violence from within the
party (Churchill, 2001, pp. 89-98; Grady-Willis, 1998; O’Reilly, 1989). Consequently,
characterizations of the film as “untrue” obscured the film’s accurate representations of BPP
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
24
activities and FBI efforts to repress them. Based on these reviews, audiences with little prior
knowledge of BPP history may have been led to believe that none of the film had a basis in BPP
history.
Positive mainstream media reviews of an earlier civil rights film suggests that reviewer’s
criterion of accuracy to judge Panther might also have been influenced by the film’s counter-
hegemonic message. Popular media frequently characterized Mississippi Burning as a truthful
depiction of racial violence (Barnes,1989; Canby, 1988; Carter, 1988; Kaufman, 1989, p. B1;
King, 1989, p. 2.15; Lipper, 1989, p. 1F).
7
Despite these positive reviews, the film’s depiction of
FBI agents as dedicated to the cause of finding justice for slain activists contradicted historical
accounts of the FBI’s amicable relationship with the local police implicated in the activists’
disappearance (Cagin and Dray, 1988; Gitlin, 1980). According to Cagin and Dray (1988), FBI
agents were slow to respond to the case of the murdered activists until other civil rights
protesters brought evidence to their attention (p. 324). The contradictions between negative
reviews of Panther, a film that magnified political abuses by the FBI, and Mississippi Burning, a
film that minimized the FBI’s history of racial discrimination, suggests that reviews may be
more likely to support films that reflect dominant ideology. Because mainstream institutions
have particular power and authority to establish cultural meanings of the past, depictions that
affirm dominant ideology, even those that contradict the historic record, may be more likely to
attain status as true than counter-narratives based on historic or imagined events. This
observation reflects Fiske’s (1987) concern that appeals to truth and realism often blunt social
critiques presented by popular media; when texts present a critical, or left-leaning view of social
life, they are often condemned by the mainstream press as unrealistic.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
25
Reviews that critiqued the film’s “biased” depiction of the Panthers also carry
implications for hegemony. These reviews suggested that reconstructions of the past can provide
impartial depictions of past events; however, all historical narratives are partial and limited by
the scope of individuals who construct them (Sturken, 1997, p. 7; Zelizer, 1995, p. 224-225).
Although there are more or less accurate representations of the past, no film, nor any
representation of the past for that matter, can provide an impartial or complete depiction of a past
event. Indeed, news framing scholarship has questioned the journalism’s ability to meet this
standard. As Gitlin (1980), Reese and Buckalew (1995), and Watkins (2001) argue, news media
have consistently failed to provide neutral portrayals of political activism.
Appeals to balance in reviews of Panther not only ignored the partiality of all texts but
discouraged readers from attending to the film’s counter-hegemonic narrative about a group
rarely depicted in popular culture. Cultural texts frequently depict extol the virtues of the United
States political and economic systems by featuring narratives of individuals who successfully
triumph over economic adversity. (For examples see Cloud, 1996; McMullen and Solomon,
1994; and Winn, 2000). As McMullen and Solomon (1994) conclude in their analysis of Steven
Spielberg’s adaptation of Alice Walker’s novel, The Color Purple, depictions of individual
success in the face of adversity result in the “restoration and reaffirmation of the social order” (p.
163). By deflecting Panther’s attention to state agencies that have repressed minorities and
activists, these reviews implicitly challenged the legitimacy to counter-hegemonic messages
about the drawbacks of the United States political system.
Critics’ distinction of fact from fiction also obscured the political and social implications
of Panther’s narrative for contemporary social conflicts. Panther represented the narrative
equivalent to the Black Power Movement’s political critique of the social, economic, and
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
26
political order. Thus, it gave narrative form to experiences of African Americans both from
the 1960s and from the 1990s – who have struggled to overcome impoverished conditions and
the coercive powers of state agencies that have repressed minorities and activists. While the
movie’s critics expressed dismay over the film’s fictional portrayal of race relations, they
ignored the film’s resonance to contemporary conditions of inequality and racial injustice in the
United States. Thus, newspaper reviews obscured the realities of social injustice depicted by the
film that prompted the Black Panther Party to organize for social justice. By relegating the
memory of the BPP to the world of fiction and deflecting attention from the film’s historical and
political relevance, reviewers resisted the political challenge posed by the film.
Perhaps the popular press delimited Panther’s ability incorporate counter-hegemonic
ideas into popular memory. To the extent that mainstream film reviews influence readers to
make judgments about a film’s quality, these reviews might have discouraged potential
audiences from watching the film. If it is true that news media help film distributors anticipate a
film’s commercial success, reviews and reports about the film’s detractors might also have
dissuaded distributors from circulating the film. Panther showed in theaters for only a few
weeks; most video stores do not currently carry copies of the film, nor does Netflix, the online
DVD service.
An analysis of mainstream news reviews and reports of Panther provides insights for
understanding the factors contributing to counter-memories’ struggle to become sources of
popular memory. One insight is that critics’ criteria of accuracy and impartiality in mainstream
news reviews of films also reflect ideological biases. Thus, criticisms of historical narratives that
appeal to the merits of impartiality and the virtues of balanced depictions of the past may also
advance partial understandings of the past. Scholars interested in the relationship between social
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
27
justice and popular memory might interrogate claims about the partiality of particular depictions
of the past further to determine whose interests are ignored and whose interests are advanced by
criticisms of films as partial or unbalanced. By interrogating claims about a film’s bias, we
might then develop a deeper understanding of the ways that criticism about popular memory
texts contribute to hegemonic popular memories.
In addition to pointing to the potential biases of news reviews of historically based
films, mainstream press attention to Panther suggests that depictions of the past that hold close
fidelity to the historic record may provide more useful resources for understanding past events
than those that do not. Reviewers’ criticisms of Panther’s historical inaccuracies suggest that
controversial accounts of the past may be more likely to attain legitimacy in popular culture if
they are closely based on historical evidence. By incorporating a sensational narrative in the
midst of a film that purported to educate audiences about the BPP, Panther may have lost
credibility among credulous audience members who had little prior knowledge about the BPP’s
history or other instances of political repression in the U.S. Although reviewers’
characterizations of Panther as biased and as a fiction suggests that accuracy may not be
sufficient for counter-hegemonic films to become part of popular memory, reviewers might have
given Panther a more positive reception had it attended more faithfully to the historic record.
A popular memory’s fidelity to historic reality also provides a foundation for making
judgments about social injustices depicted in representations of past events. An accumulation of
evidence from sources that bear a direct relation to the past, including government documents,
personal testimony, and photographic recordings, indicates how events have transpired and
whether or not particular individuals have wielded excessive force to oppress others. As Lipsitz
(1990) writes,
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
28
Only by recognizing the collective legacy of accumulated human actions and ideas can
we judge the claims to truth and justice of any one story. We may never succeed in
finding out all that has happened in history, but events matter and describing them as
accurately as possible (although never with certain finality) can, at the very least, show us
whose foot has been on whose neck. (p. 214)
The weight of evidence from FBI documents (Blackstock, 1988; Churchill & Vanderwall, 1990),
US Senate committee reports (“FBI’s Efforts,” 1976), court cases concerning the FBI’s role in
the deaths of BPP activists (O’Reilly, 1989; Wilkins & Clark, 1973), and former BPP accounts
(Anthony, 1990, Grady-Willis, 1998) demonstrate that the FBI shot and killed unarmed Panther
party members and used undercover agents to gain illegal access to the Panthers’ homes.
Narratives based on these materials would have provided a more powerful indictment of the FBI
than images of the FBI colluding with the Mafia, a narrative that has no corroborating evidence.
There is much that can be learned from the history of the Panthers. The emergence of the
BPP demonstrates how social movement organizations blossom in the midst of trenchant
opposition. Explorations of BPP history also illuminate the factors that disrupt or destroy
activists’ efforts to achieve social change and greater social equality. State repression against the
Panthers should be central to that history. The FBI’s orchestrated assault on the BPP attests to
the illusory nature of free expression and open dissent in this nation. Panther’s depictions of
political repression against black activists provided an opening, albeit a small one, for popular
film audiences to question prevailing ideological discourses about the role of activism and state
repression of political dissent in the U.S. Additional popular accounts –accounts based on
historic evidence- are needed to attain a fuller and more accurate understanding of the BPP: what
led to its growth, what the movement contributed to, and what led to its demise. These counter-
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
29
hegemonic texts may open new insights about possibilities for challenging more contemporary
forms of exploitation and political repression. As Malcolm X (1971) reminds us, it is only when
we are “armed with the knowledge of the past [that] we can with confidence charter a course for
the future” (pp. 419-420).
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
30
References
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Bates, K. G. (1995, June). Power to the Peebles. Essence, 26, 58-63.
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Formatted: Font: Italic
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Comment [GRC21]:
2002 in the
text.
Formatted: Font: Italic
Formatted: Font: Not Italic
Comment [GRC22]:
Needs DAI
volume and page numbers after this
(and University Microfilm number if
obtained on university microfilm).
Formatted: Font: Not Italic
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
32
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Comment [GRC23]: Normally, with
a broadcast, there would be some
kind of title at the end of the line. Like,
“Zahn, P. (Producers). “ etc.
Comment [KH24]:
I’m not sure what
to do here. These were the names
Lexis-Nexis provides. The CNN
website doesn’t highlight any
producers for its programming. So I
might either delete all names but
Cooper’s and give him the title of the
host, or I could list Jonathan Klein
(President), since he is the president
of CNN/US and oversaw production of
the show. However, if I listed Klein,
this wouldn’t correspond to the citation
found in the Lexis-Nexis database.
Comment [KH25]:
Since Anderson
is based in New York, I would assume
the program is out of New York.
Comment [GRC26]: There should
be a city and a colon before this, for
example, “New York and Washington,
DC: Cable News Network.” I’m not
sure what the city is, though.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
33
Denerstein, R. (1995, May 3). Panther growls, at least for awhile. Rocky Mountain News,
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(Eds.). (1991). New York: Viking Press, pp. 529-538.
Formatted: Indent: First line: 0"
Comment [GRC27]: With a
broadcast, Dowell’s title would usually
be required in parentheses after the
name. I.e. “Dowell, P. (Executive
Producer).”
Comment [KH28]: Dowell is the
NPR Arts Reporter. I can’t find any
information about the executive
producer on Morning Edition or NPR’s
website, and Dowell is the only name
on the Lexis-Nexis transcript .
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
34
Fine, M. (1995a, April 28). Pouncing on Panther: Film incites a storm of criticism. USA
Today, p. 1D.
Fine, M. (1995b, May 3). Panther snarls but doesn’t scratch deep. USA Today, p. 1D.
Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. London: Methuen.
Foner, P.S. (1970). The Black Panthers speak. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott.
Gibson, C. (2005, June 21). Untitled. World New Tonight with Peter Jennings, ABC
News Transcripts. (Retrieved June 28, 2005, from Lexis-Nexis News Database).
Gilbert, M. (1995, May 3). Panther has no bite; Movie review Panther [Review of
themotion picture Panther]. The Boston Globe, p. 33.
Gilliam, D. (1995, June 3). Black history in the eye of the beholder. The Washington
Post, p. B1.
Gitlin, T. (1980). The whole world is watching: Mass media in the making and the
unmaking of the New Left. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Grady-Willis, W. A. (1998). The Black Panther Party: State repression and political
prisoners. In Jeffries, J. L., Singh, N. P., Lewis, M.E., & McCutchen, S.D. (Eds.). The Black
Panther Party [Reconsidered] (pp. 363-390). Baltimore: Black Classic Press.
Graham, R. (1995, May 5). An ex-Panther defends Panther. The Boston Globe, p. 63.
Hasian, M. (2001). Nostalgic longings, memories of the “Good War,” and cinematic
representations in Saving Private Ryan. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 338-358.
Howe, D. (1995, May 5). Pumped-up Panther [Review of the motion picture Panther].
The Washington Post, p. N49.
The Internet Movie Database. (n.d.). Business Data for Mississippi Burning (1988).
Retrieved January 15, 2005, from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0095647/business
Comment [GRC29]:
Never cited in
text.
Comment [KH30]:
Cited in footnote
#3 now.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
35
James, C. (1995, May 21). They’re movies; Not schoolbooks [Review of the motion
picture Panther]. The New York Times, p.2.1.
Jeffries, J. (2002). Black radicalism and political repression in Baltimore: The case of the
Black Panther Party. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 25, 64-98.
Jones, A. (1995, May 11). Now showing; Panther. The Houston Chronicle, p. YO5.
Jones, C. (1988). The political repression of the Black Panther Party 1966-1971: The
case of the Oakland Bay area. Journal of Black Studies, 18, 415-434.
Kagan, J. (Director). (1987). Conspiracy: The Trial of the Chicago 8 [Film]. (Available
from Keller Entertainment Group, Sherman Oaks, CA)
Kammen, M. (1991). Mystic chords of memory: The transformation of tradition in
American culture. New York: Knopf.
Kaufman, J. (1989, Jan. 8). Eyes on the civil rights movement: Mississippi Burning latest
in a wave of works about the “King Years” [Review of the motion picture Mississippi Burning.]
The Boston Globe, p. B1.
Kehr, D. (1995, May 3). [Review of the motion picture Panther.] (New York) Daily
News, p. 37.
Kempley, R. (1995, May 3). Panther: History over easy [Review of the motion picture
Panther]. The Washington Post, p. C1.
Kim, J. (1995, May 7). Black History?; Director Peebles Defends Controversial New Film.
Chicago Sun-Times, p. 3.
King, W. (1988, December 4). Fact vs. fiction in Mississippi [Review of the motion
picture Mississippi Burning]. New York Times, p. 2.15.
Formatted: Font: Not Italic
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
36
Lee, S. (Director). (2001) A Huey P. Newton Story, [Film]. (Available from 40 Acres & a
Mule, New York, NY)
Lee, S. (Director). Malcolm X, [Film]. (1992). (Available from Warner Brothers,
Burbank, CA).
Leiby, R. (1995, April 30). Black out; What a new movie about the Black Panthers
remembers and what it forgets [Review of the motion picture Panther]. The Washington Post,
p. G1.
Lil Kim. (2002-2003). The jump off. On La Bella Mafia [CD]. Atlantic.
Lipper, H. (1989, January 22). Where Mississippi Burned: Civil rights film rekindles
horrors of the state’s past. Floridian, p. 1F.
Lipsitz, G. (1990). Time passages: collective memory and American popular culture.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lule, J. (1993). News strategies and the death of Huey Newton. Journalism Quarterly,
pp. 287-299.
MacFarquhar, N. (1995, May 3). No indictment in shooting in Paterson. The New York
Times, p. B1.
Madison, K. (1999). Legitimation crisis and containment: The ”anti-racist-white-hero”
film. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 16, 399-416.
Malcolm X. (1964/1971). Malcolm X founds the organization of Afro-American unity
[Statement of Basic Aims of the Organization of Afro-American Unity]. In A. Meier, E.
Rudwick, & F. Broderick (Eds.), Black Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century (pp. 419-
420).(1964; reprint, New York: Macmillan, 1971)
Marable, M. (1984). Race, reform, and rebellion. London: Macmillan Press.
Comment [GRC31]: Never cited in
text.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
37
Marx, G. (1974). Thoughts on a neglected category of social movement participant: The
agent provocateur and the informant. American Journal of Sociology, 80, 402-442.
Maslin, J. (1995, May 3). How the Black Panthers came to be, sort of [Review of the
motion picture Panther]. New York Times, p. C18.
McCartney, J. T. (1992). Black Power ideologies: An essay in African-American
Political Thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
McChesney, R. W. (1999). Rich media, poor democracy. Urbana: University of Illinois.
McEwen, M. (1995, May 1). Mario Van Peebles, director, Panthers, discusses this new
film and the struggles it took to get it on-screen. CBS This Morning. Burrelle’s
Information Services.
McLaughlin, S. (2005, June 19). Prosecutors in Edgar Killen trial rest case. Sunday
Today. National Broadcasting Company, Inc. Retrieved June 28, 2005, from Lexis-Nexis News
database.
McMullen, W.J., & Solomon, M. (1994). The politics of adaptation: Steven Spielberg’s
appropriation of The Color Purple. Text and Performance Quarterly, 14, 158-174.
Millar, J. (1995, May 3). Panther fails to offer complete overview [Review of the motion
picture Panther]. The Houston Chronicle, p. 12.
Mississippi Burning.” (1988, Nov. 30). Variety, p. 12.
Murray, S. (1995, May 3). Panther [Review of the motion picture Panther]. The Atlanta
Journal and Constitution, p. B7.
Newton, H. (1973). Revolutionary suicide. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Formatted: Font: Italic
Comment [GRC32]: Never cited in
text.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
38
Ogbar, J. (2004). Black power: Radical politics and African American identity.
Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
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1972. New York: The Free Press.
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Critical Studies in Media Communication, 17, 429-446.
Parker, A. (Director). (1988) Mississippi Burning, [Film]. (Available from Orion
Pictures)
Persall, S. (1995, May 5). Panther shades the facts but is compelling [Review of the
motion picture Panther]. St. Petersburg Times, p. 7.
Reese, S. & Buckalew, B. (1995). The militarism of local television: The routine framing of the
Persian Gulf War. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 12, 40-59.
Romanowski, W. D. (1993, Summer). Oliver Stone’s JFK: Commercial filmmaking,
cultural history, and conflict. Journal of Popular Film and Television, 21, 63-71.
Ross, B. (1995, May 5). Panther prowls past truth; There's more action than history in
this propaganda piece from director Mario Van Peebles [Review of the motion picture Panther].
Tampa Tribune, p. 16.
Sawyer, D. (Host). (2005, June 13). Mississippi Burning trial begins in 40 year-old
crime. Good Morning America. New York: American Broadcasting Companies, Inc. Retrieved
June 28, 2005, from Lexis-Nexis News database.
Schaefer, S. (1995, May 6). Panther director is pleased with his statement. The Boston
Herald, p. 017. Retrieved Dec. 15, 2003, from Lexis-Nexis news database.
Comment [GRC33]:
I’m not sure
how to handle this: Orion Pictures no
longer exists it’s been folded into
MGM. The movie was originally
released by Orion Pictures, but I
hesitate before putting “Available from
Orion Pictures” in parentheses here
as APA says to do in H.66. The OWL
at Purdue’s APA website says to
handle this by typing “Country: Studio
or distributor.” Which would make this
“United States: Orion Pictures.” That
website also says to put “[Motion
picture]” at the end of the title rather
than “[Film]” as the APA manual does,
so I’m not sure which to go with. I’ve
been handling the rest as directed in
the manual (with “[Film]” and
“(Available from…).” Let me know
which format you prefer me to use.
Comment [KH34R33]: I would
prefer to use the manual for the sake
of consistency unless you think of a
better reason to follow Purdue.
Formatted: Indent: First line: 0"
Comment [GRC36]: At the end here
should have in ()s what she does for
instance “Sawyer, D. (Executive
Producer).”
Comment [KH35]:
Again, I don’t
know who the executive producer for
this is.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
39
Schudson, M. (1992). Watergate in American memory: How we remember, forget, and
reconstruct the past. New York: Basic Books.
Seale, B. (1970). Seize the time: The story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton. New
York: Random House.
Sherman, P. (1995, October 15). JFK meets Malcolm X in erratic Panther [Review of the
motion picture Panther]. The Boston Herald, p. O11.
Stack, P. (1995, May 3). Panther Goes for the Mythic: Glossed-over look at radical
black group [Review of the motion picture Panther]. San Francisco Chronicle, p. E1.
Strickler, J. (1995, May 3). Panther is history with a charge; Film focuses more on
theory than on fact [Review of motion picture Panther]. Star Tribune, p. 3E.
Sturken, M. (1997). Tangled memories: the Vietnam War, the AIDS epidemic, and the
Politics of remembering. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Thomas, P. (1995, Dec. 6). Police brutality: An issue rekindled. The Washington Post, p.
A1.
Tupac. (2000). Can UC the pride in the Panther? [Recorded by Mos Def]. On The Rose
that Grew from Concrete [CD]. Los Angeles: Interscope Records.
Turner, M. (1995, May 14). Father, son make film their own way. Omaha World-
Herald, p. 11.
Umoja, A. (2001). Repression breeds resistance: The Black Liberation Army and the
radical legacy of The Black Panther Party. In K. Cleaver & G. Kastiaficas (Eds.), Liberation,
Imagination, and the Black Panther Party: A New Look at the Panthers and their Legacy (pp. 3-
19). New York and London: Routledge.
Comment [GRC37]: There should
be a city and a colon before this. I’m
guessing Los Angeles, but I’m not
sure. Can’t tell from their website.
Comment [KH38]: Their phone
numbers are based out of LA.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
40
Van Peebles, M. (Director). Panther [Film]. (Available from Gramercy & PolyGram
Films)
Vincent, M. (1995, May 6). Panther protested, praised. The Times-Picayune, p. E1.
Vobejda, B. (1995, Oct. 6). U.S. reports decline in number of poor; Decrease is first since
1989. The Washington Post, p. A1.
Walsh, E. (1995, December 6). A police shot that ripped the fabric of a genteel city. The
Washington Post, p. A18.
West, K. (2004-2005). Crack music. On Late Registration [CD]. New York: Roc-A-
Fella/Island Def Jam.
Watkins, C. (2001). Framing protest: News media frames of the Million Man March.
Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 83-101.
Wilkins, R. and Clark, R. (1973). Search and destroy: A report by the commission of
inquiry into the Black Panthers and the Police. New York: Metropolitan Applied Research
Center. In C. Carson, D. J. Garrow, G. Gill, V. Harding, & D. C. Hine (Eds.), The Eyes on the
Prize: Civil Rights Reader (pp. 517-528). (1991). New York: Viking Press.
Winn, E. (2000). Moralizing upward mobility: Investigating the myth of class mobility
in Working Girl. The Southern Communication Journal, 66, 40-52.
Winn, J. (2001). Challenges and compromises in Spike Lee’s Malcolm X. Critical
Studies in Media Communication, 18, 452-465.
Zelizer, B. (1995). Reading the past against the grain: The shape of memory studies.
Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 12, 214-240.
Comment [GRC39]:
Never cited in
text.
Comment [GRC40]:
Need a city and
a colon before the label name.
Formatted: Indent: First line: 0.5"
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
41
Zelizer, B. (1998). Remembering to forget: Holocaust memory through the camera’s
eye. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
42
Notes
1. Less mainstream representations of the Black Panther Party have appeared more recently in
Spike Lee’s (2001) documentary A Huey P Newton Story, in several documentaries A Huey P.
Newton Story (2001); Eyes on the Prize II (Bernard et al., 1990); Conspiracy: The Trial of the
Chicago 8 (Kagan, 1987), and in the lyrics of several hip hop artists’ songs, including Tupac’s,
“Can UC the pride in the Panther?,” Kanye West’s, “Crack Music,” Lil Kim’s, “The Jump Off,”
and Dead Prez’s, “Enemy Lines”.
2. According to The Internet Movie Database, Malcolm X (1992) yearned $48 million at the box
office, Mississippi Burning (1988) earned $34 million at the box office, and Ghosts of
Mississippi (1996) earned $13 million (www.imdb.com).
3. See Bodnar (1992), Browne (1993), Eberly (2004), Ehrenhaus (2001), Hasian (2001),
Kammen (1991), Madison (1999); Schudson (1992), Zelizer (1998).
4. In addition to earning $34 million at the box office, Mississippi Burning was nominated for
seven Academy Awards, including best picture; the film won an award for cinematography
(Curry, 1988, p. 1D).
5. According to the Lexis-Nexis news database, newspapers with the broadest circulation, and,
therefore, the ones used here, are: The Atlanta Journal and Constitution, The Baltimore Sun,
The Boston Globe, The Boston Herald, The Buffalo News, The Chicago Sun-Times, The
Christian Science Monitor, The Columbus Dispatch, Daily News, The Denver Post, The Hartford
Courant, The Houston Chronicle, The Los Angeles Times, The Miami Herald, The New York
Times, Newsday, The Omaha World Herald, The Plain Dealer, The San Diego Union-Tribune,
The San Francisco Chronicle, The Seattle Times, The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The St.
Mario Van Peebles’ Panther
43
Petersburg Times, The Star Tribune, The Times-Picayune, The Tampa Tribune, The Times-
Picayune, USA Today, and The Washington Post.
6. As Gitlin (1980) and Watkins (2001) indicate, news media frames tend to naturalize
politically mainstream perspectives by neutralizing political protest as deviant. Eberly (2000)
describes topoi as the topics or thematics in deliberations about public discourses that serve as
both the source and limitation for further discussion and deliberation about the role of fictional
texts; such topoi enable fictional texts to effect social and political changes.
7. Variety magazine (1988) wrote that Mississippi Burning “captures much of the truth in its
telling of the impact of a 1964 FBI probe into the murders of three civil rights workers” (p. 12);
Canby (1988) described the film as “utterly authentic” (p. C12); and Carter (1988) declared that
the film was “at its most honest” when it portrayed “the raw brutality of Klan terrorism”
(www.wsj.com/archives).